In recent months, accusations that Donald Trump and his administration embody fascism have become more frequent. The word carries historical weight, and using it carelessly risks turning it into a mere insult. But the question is worth asking seriously: how many characteristics of fascism can be seen in Trump’s presidency – and his ongoing movement?
Political theorists have identified common traits of fascist regimes: cult of personality, scapegoating of minorities, attacks on the press, obsession with law and order, disinformation, and disdain for democratic norms. Viewed through this lens, Trump and his administration tick many of the boxes.
Trump has built a cult of personality unlike any modern U.S. president, insisting that loyalty to him is more important than loyalty to law or country. He scapegoats immigrants, Muslims, and political opponents, framing them as existential threats to “real Americans.” He repeatedly called the media “the enemy of the people,” sought to revoke press credentials, and encouraged investigations into his critics.
Perhaps most concerning was his open disdain for democratic norms. From loyalty tests for judges and civil servants to his attempt to overturn the 2020 election, Trump treats democracy as conditional – acceptable only if it delivered the outcome he wanted.
Where the comparison to fascism is less exact is in the total control of society and the economy. Trump has not dissolved Congress, suspended elections (yet), or nationalised industry. The courts, press, and opposition party remain functional, though under immense and constant pressure. This distinction is crucial, but it may also reveal fascism’s modern adaptation rather than its absence. Historical fascism seized power through overt revolution; the Trumpist method appears to be the exploitation of democratic institutions from within, using their inherent weaknesses and freedoms – such as free speech and political polarisation – to consolidate power. The goal seems not to be to abolish the system outright, but to render it so subservient to a single leader that its formal structures become a façade.
What we are left with is not a carbon copy of 1930s Europe but something closer to what scholars call “authoritarian populism” or “illiberal democracy.” Still, the overlap is close enough to warrant alarm. The cult of personality, the scapegoating, the attacks on democratic institutions – these are not harmless quirks of an unconventional politician. They are warning signs.
These signs are amplified by a key tactic of modern authoritarianism: the creation of a parallel information ecosystem. Through relentless propaganda, the delegitimisation of factual reporting, the embrace of conspiracy theories, and the promotion of outlets that serve as state-media proxies, a significant portion of the population is persuaded to live in a reality defined not by shared facts, but by the leader’s will. This breaks the common ground necessary for democratic debate and makes accountability impossible.
If anything, Trump’s movement shows how easily a democracy can slide toward authoritarianism without formally abolishing elections or rewriting constitutions. The question now is not whether Trumpism matches fascism perfectly, but whether we are willing to ignore the unmistakable echoes. The history of the 20th century teaches us that fascism does not arrive in a day; it arrives in degrees, often masked by populist appeal and enabled by those who believe the institutions are too strong to fail. The warning is not that America has become a fascist state, but that it has proven vulnerable to the very playbook that leads there.
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President Preposterous- Pigge is bad for us and everyone, being a magnificent masturbatory narcissistic incompetent beyond selfawareness, possibly a neurotic psychopath on the edge of poxery, schizoid hints, perhaps clinically incomprehensible, certainly incapable of humanity. Delusional, disordered in thought, Trump can only exist by the mystery of his being, attracting support and adulation, but from whom? If enough of the USA is “Trumpish”, we are doomed to agony, mediocrity, wrongness, misgovernment, social friction, political perversion, bullying, grating aggression, predatory coercions, exploitations.
“Viewed through this lens, Trump and his administration tick many of the boxes.”
He ticks all the “common features” that were mentioned in the previous sentence.
But more importantly he ticks THE BIG ONE — the marriage of government with business.
He even put the marriage arrogantly on display at his inauguration. Check the photos of the event — he surrounded himself with oligarchs.
That was a message to the world.
And do not forget, fascism is a natural progression from liberalism.
Liberalism must become authoritarian to hold society together in the face of the fracturing caused by extreme individualism.
Individualism and social cohesion are in conflict.
This will not end well.
The question at the moment is which will crack first — whatever is left of US society, or whatever is left of the liberal global order.
Rudd will be advising Albanese not to appear as obsequious or servile should a Trump meeting take place. Trump has made much of world leaders coming to Washington to ‘kiss his ass’ – we cannot allow an Oval Office pile on as has happened in the past with other leaders.
Far better a polite nod at a social or dinner meeting than to be cornered.
When it comes to Palestine we are on the right side of history and in good company – Trump is wrong and has been played for a sucker by Netanyahu. The only concern I have about this late recognition of Palestine is that it may be too late. Already Bibi’s lackies are saying ‘what Palestine, there is no Gaza City, the demolition is complete.’
Australia needs to keep the US at arm’s length for the time being. What is happening there is akin to a ‘zombie apocalypse’ and we need to avoid being infected.
As Steve Davis has noted, ‘this will not end well’ but be assured it will end.
On a lighter note, an American citizen migrating to Australia was asked by Immigration ‘did he have a criminal record.’ He responded, ‘I didn’t realize it was still a requirement!’
President Cartman. A severe dose of acne on the global face.
Also, Terry, good joke.
I observe the comments of a rightly worried Steve Davis.
He doesn’t need to dissolve Congress; the Republicunt majority makes the few dissenters – and thus the entire assembly – irrelevant. Ditto with SCOTUS.
Russian philosopher Vlad Vexler suggests avoiding fixed labels on Trump; especially when looking for logical causes on his infatuation with Putin and other dictators.
On Putin and Trump’s supporters share many interests and dislikes; convergence in their minds of both.
Exemplified by Anglo and European ‘ultra conservatives’, radical right libertarians and white Christian nationalists’ pilgrimages to the Danube Institute and related events in Hungary
Faux family values, Christianism, oligarch support, owned media, anti-immigrant, Islamophobia, anti-EU, anti-Ukraine, pro-fossil fuels, corrupt, feudal; society ageing and suffering high emigration of youth, working age (inc families) and middle class.
Russian philosopher Vlad Vexler suggests avoiding fixed labels on Trump; especially when looking for logical causes on his infatuation with Putin and other dictators.
On Putin and Trump’s supporters share many interests and dislikes; convergence in their minds of both.
Exemplified by Anglo and European ‘ultra conservatives’, radical right libertarians and white Christian nationalists’ pilgrimages to the Danube Institute and related events in Hungary
Faux family values, Christianism, oligarch support, owned media, anti-immigrant, Islamophobia, anti-EU, anti-Ukraine, pro-fossil fuels, corrupt, feudal; society ageing and suffering high emigration of youth, working age (inc families) and middle class.
“He doesn’t need to dissolve Congress; the Republicunt majority makes the few dissenters – and thus the entire assembly – irrelevant.”
leefe, I didn’t say he had to. It was a comparison to the recognised characteristics of fascist regimes.