By Denis Hay
Description
Labor’s deposit scheme won’t fix housing affordability in Australia. A public housing build program funded through dollar sovereignty could.
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Introduction: The Illusion of Housing Help
Australians are constantly told that the government is doing everything possible to make homes affordable. The latest example is Labor’s first home buyer scheme, which lets new buyers enter the market with a 5% deposit instead of the standard 20%. The policy has been celebrated as “life-changing,” cutting years off the time it takes to save for a deposit.
But here’s the truth: this is not a solution to housing affordability in Australia. It’s a demand-side policy that risks further inflating prices, saddles new buyers with higher debt, and leaves renters and lower-income families behind. The real path to affordable housing lies in supply-side reform, namely, public housing investmentfunded through Australia’s dollar sovereignty.
The Problem: Why Australians Can’t Afford a Home
1. Rising Prices vs Stagnant Wages
The gap between house prices and wages has never been wider. In 2024, the median house price across Australia reached around $807,110 (ABC), while the average full-time annual salary was just $88,400 (ABS). That’s ten times income, compared to just three or four times income in the 1980s.
The first home buyer scheme may reduce deposit hurdles, but it doesn’t change the fundamental problem: prices continue to rise faster than wages. The Treasury admits the scheme could push up prices, estimating a 0.5% increase over the next six years. Independent analysts warn it could be much higher, even up to 10% in the first year alone.
Simply put, schemes that boost demand without increasing supply make affordability worse, not better.
2. Investor Favouritism and Tax Settings
Another primary reason young Australians are locked out of homeownership is the tax system’s bias in favour of investors. Negative gearing and capital gains tax discounts allow investors to outbid first-home buyers, then reap long-term tax benefits.
Treasury figures show that 1.3 million Australians claim negative gearing deductions each year, significantly skewing the competition against first-home buyers. Investors view housing as a wealth-building asset, whereas ordinary citizens seek a stable home.
Instead of tilting the playing field back, Labor’s deposit scheme adds more demand pressure to a system already skewed by investor-friendly tax laws.
👉 Related reading: Neoliberal Housing Policies and Their Impact.
The Impact: Who Wins and Who Loses
3. Risks for First Home Buyers
While the scheme looks attractive on the surface, it exposes new buyers to long-term risks. By borrowing more with a smaller deposit, households face higher debt-to-income ratios.
Domain’s analysis shows buyers in Sydney could save eight years of deposit time, but they also take on bigger mortgages, with higher repayments and the risk of negative equity if the market dips.
Peter Tulip, Chief Economist at the Centre for Independent Studies, warned it was a “risky, dangerous way” to help, encouraging people to take one-way bets on the housing market.
This doesn’t improve housing affordability in Australia, it traps young people into fragile financial positions.
4. Banks and Developers Profit
Who benefits most from the deposit scheme? Not ordinary Australians, but banks and property developers.
Banks issue more loans, charge higher interest rates, and generate long-term profit streams. Developers see demand boosted and can keep selling properties at inflated prices. In this way, public money indirectly subsidises private profit.
This is part of a broader trend where government policies favour private markets over public purpose. Housing becomes an asset class for investors instead of a human right for citizens.
👉 Related reading: Corporate Capture of Policy.
The Solution: Building Real Affordability
5. Australia’s Dollar Sovereignty and Housing
Australia is not financially constrained like a household. As the issuer of the Australian dollar, the federal government can always fund programs that serve public purpose. The true limit is not “running out of money,” but resource availability and inflation risk.
Applied to housing, this means the government could directly fund large-scale public housing investment without needing to raise taxes first. Construction creates assets for communities, provides jobs, and stabilises prices in the private market.
👉 Related reading: Modern Monetary Theory and Australia’s Dollar Sovereignty.
6. Public Housing Build Program
A large-scale public housing build program would be a genuine solution to affordability. Instead of propping up demand, it expands supply.
Benefits of public housing investment:
- Cut waiting lists: More than 175,000 households are currently waiting for public housing.
- Ease rental stress: Over 30% of rentersspend more than a third of their income on rent.
- Create jobs: Construction, planning, and maintenance industries would benefit.
- Stabilise prices: Increased supply reduces speculative bubbles.
- Build intergenerational equity: Housing becomes a shared public asset, not just a private investment.
External sources such as the Grattan Institute and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights confirm that large-scale public housing programs are among the most effective tools for guaranteeing housing as a human right.
Frequently Asked Questions
Will public housing increase taxes?
No. With dollar sovereignty, the government can directly fund public housing construction without first raising taxes. Taxes are used to manage inflation, not to fund spending.
Won’t government housing spending cause inflation?
Inflation risks arise only if resources are already fully used. If labour and materials are available, public builds add supply and reduce inflationary pressures in the rental market.
How does public housing help renters?
By expanding supply, renters face less competition, stabilising rents and improving housing security.
Why is dollar sovereignty so important here?
It ensures that financial affordability is never a constraint. The real constraint is whether we have the workforce and materials to build the homes.
Final Thoughts: A Choice Between Debt and Security
The debate over housing affordability in Australia is really a debate over values. Do we want policies that push citizens deeper into debt, while protecting investors and banks? Or do we want structural reform that makes housing genuinely affordable?
Labor’s deposit scheme is a short-term patch that risks inflating prices and locking people into long-term debt. A public housing build program, funded through Australia’s dollar sovereignty, would directly address affordability, create jobs, and treat housing as a right rather than a privilege.
Australia faces a choice: more debt, or real security. The answer should be obvious.
What’s Your Experience?
What do you think is the bigger barrier to housing affordability in Australia, unfair tax breaks for investors, or the lack of large-scale public housing investment?
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Engaging Question
What do you think is the bigger barrier to housing affordability in Australia — unfair tax breaks for investors, or the lack of large-scale public housing investment?
References
ABS: Average Weekly Earnings, Australia
ABC: Australian Housing Market Trends
Grattan Institute: Housing Affordability Reports
UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights: Housing Rights
This article was originally published on Social Justice Australia
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Denis, there is no doubt in my mind that commision/council housing is the way yo go. In fact some years ago we had such housing, sadly there were some in our community that thought commission/council housing degraded the area!! Another factor that I believe saw the decline in such housing was the abuse by some who occupied them lack of maintenance and over crouding. Should we return (and I hope we do) to this form of housing I’d suggest rents should a percentage of the total income earnt by the occupants.
I have more than enough for a deposit. What I don’t have is sufficient income to get a mortgage; this is exacerbated by the ridiculous cost of housing.
The housing affordability crisis is too urgent to propose we wait until there is some political interest in implementing a (largely) untested economic theory that hasn’t been adopted as policy by any country.
It is untested, risky and unsupported by the vast majority of experts and academics in the economic discipline.
The median house price is highish, but city median house values 2014-24 are stagnant as they have not doubled, 7% benchmark covering costs, inflation etc.; suggests decline in working age as Gen X and the boomer ‘bomb’ follows the silent generations.
Our RW FIRE Media and commentary blame ‘immigration’, but that’s dominated by temporary resident international students, backpackers etc. who cannot buy, and formal research shows minor factor on rental market. All ignore investors (lemmings?) and proliferation of Air BnB taking long term rental properties off market.
Issue is that we have a house market for families, but they are minority when eg. single middled aged and older women want or need something more modest and secure.
Apartments are easy to find in the CBD and inner city, but not suburbs and regional centres, while our public/social housing stock has been cut severely in the past two generations; helping private house market retain value, till now..?
Thanks for your thoughts, Jon. You’re right, we once had good public and council housing. Sadly, governments let it decline, and a few bad cases were used to justify privatisation and sell-offs.
If we look at places like Vienna and Singapore, public housing can be world-class, well-maintained, and mixed throughout communities so there’s no stigma.
A sliding rent scale makes sense too. People pay what they can afford, homes stay secure, and communities stay strong. It’s time Australia rebuilt public housing properly, long-term investment, maintenance, and dignity for everyone.
Thanks for sharing that, Leefe. This is the part governments ignore. Many people can save a deposit, but house prices are now so high that the income test knocks them out anyway.
The whole system is backwards. Instead of pushing buyers into bigger loans, we should focus on building affordable public housing, stabilising prices, and making homes based on need, not bank profit.
You’ve highlighted exactly why the 5% deposit scheme won’t fix anything. It’s not a deposit problem. It’s a price problem caused by policy failure.
AC,
Thanks for your comment. Just to clarify, Modern Monetary Theory isn’t untested, and it’s not fringe. There are many respected economists in Australia and internationally who support it, including academic researchers, former central bankers, and policy advisers.
Australia already uses the core principle every day: as a currency-issuing nation, the federal government spends by creating money, not by collecting taxes first. The debate isn’t whether it works, it’s how we choose to use that capacity.
Public housing is a perfect example. If we can fund banks, private developers and military projects, we can fund homes. The real risk isn’t dollar sovereignty; the real risk is pretending the government is financially powerless while people are left homeless.
Some respected economists who support or advance MMT:
Professor Bill Mitchell (University of Newcastle, Centre of Full Employment and Equity)
Professor Stephanie Kelton (former Chief Economist for the US Senate Budget Committee)
Professor Randall Wray (Levy Institute, Bard College)
Dr Steven Hail (University of Adelaide)
If mainstream economists with decades of research are already using this framework, it’s worth considering for solutions as serious as housing.
Thanks for your comment, Andrew. You’ve pointed out something important: the crisis isn’t driven by immigration, it’s driven by policy. Investors, short-stay rentals like Airbnb, and two generations of cuts to public and social housing have left people competing for too few homes.
You’re also right that our housing stock doesn’t match who actually needs housing today. Many older Australians, single people, and low-income families don’t need a giant mortgage, they need secure, modest, affordable homes.
If governments had kept building public housing instead of selling it off, this pressure wouldn’t exist. We can fix that now, we have the capacity to build again. The only thing missing is political will.
If you are referring to point 5, one agrees. MMT is a theory that lacks both theoretical and working models or exemplars.
Red flag is which US groups support MMT and why; radical right libertarian experiment masquerading as benign Keynesian social economics.
While the solution for ageing populations and funding budgets includes working age PAYE tax and GST, is to use temporary border or migrant churn.
Short to medium term tourists and short to long term international students as ‘net financial contributors’, as almost all depart, forever.
However, as they drive short medium term ‘immigration’ and population growth, they must be stopped aka ‘the great replacement’, and budget short falls and stress?
No problem, Tanton Network types suggest that we implement the experimental MMT Modern Monetary Theory then there is no need for ‘immigrants’, potential outcome?
See former Tory PM Truss and Kwarteng, adding to Brexit negatives on the economy, implementing ‘Kochonomics’ on steroids, to almost crash the economy….
Both are ‘radical right libertarian traps’ to crash budgets, public sector services, government, economy and society, then reengineer aka ‘segregation economics’.
See power behind Trump is Koch’s Vought and Tanton’s Miller to implement their joint Project 2025.
Denis, your patience is exemplary.
From a previous article by Denis — “Government spending priorities reflect political choices, not financial limitations.”
This obviously applies also to housing affordability, that being the subject of this article.
Those who are critical of the thrust of this article need to explain why eye-watering investments in pie-in-the-sky defence contracts do not destabilise the Australian economy, but investment in public housing and other public infrastructure is risky.
Even though investment in public infrastructure has been an integral part of our economic development. But hey, who cares about history?
I can recall that thirty or forty years ago it was frequently noted in the news media that a healthy housing sector was a sign of a healthy economy.
We lost sight of that due to reasons given by Denis — … a broader trend where government policies favour private markets over public purpose. Housing becomes an asset class for investors instead of a human right for citizens.
In short, we allowed private gain to undermine our entire economy.
Government spending priorities reflect political choices, not financial limitations.
If you attend a suburban auction in pretty well any city adjacent area in Australia, you will probably be surprised to find that the bidding very quickly pushes out the first homebuyers or others seeking a dwelling for their own occupation as the bids exceed one million dollars.
The investors will then thrash it out and inevitably their bids will be tempered in accordance with the amount of support they will be able to get from government by way of negative gearing and ultimately capital gains tax concessions. Clearly these investors are not going to be able to make a commercial return even on the inflated rents they receive in the prevailing market and investors realize that: they are making what to most of us would be considered a dud investment but for tax offsets.
We’ve said it before but it bears repeating : we should only offer negative gearing tax offsets to those who are actually increasing the housing stock in Australia, i.e. new builds. We have to stop churning existing houses as though they were bitcoins!
If we can redirect housing investment into new builds it will have a considerable impact on the supply side factor AND act as a downward pressure on rents for existing housing stock.
Denis, I don’t wish to entirely go over ground we have previously discussed.
However, the economists that support MMT remain a small minority.
Previously you have used examples of high public debt nations. But they are all in long term economic decline. Are there any that would prefer more public debt to less?
The MMT proponents argue that the restraint on spending is inflation.
We don’t seem to discuss the unwillingness of governments to act to curb spending as inflation increases. What we observe is the almost total reliance on interest rates to curb inflation. This is clearly more damaging to first home buyers.
I really have little confidence in any federal government displaying the economic nimbleness required to cut programs and spending as inflation emerges.
We already observe this reluctance.
And we currently face increasing pressure on building and construction costs.
Labour shortage bids up the rates, infrastructure programmes compete for the scarce labour, materials and equipment, contributing to cost increases.
I can’t see that using public debt to resolves theses questions. On the contrary it is likely to further bid up labour and material costs.
For what it is worth, my view is that we require a range of policies, and must address the half dozen causes.
• cultural- we have to get away from the unsustainable attitude that first home buyers get a separate house on their own block. We see miles of new development of 2 story houses, with on artificial of natural shading on 309 square metre blocks. We need a far greater focus on high density housing
• planning- there should be a national (efficient) planning standard. The resources involved in planning and approvals in developers, builders and various layers of government is ridiculous
• only high density housing to be built within a kilometre of a rail station
• tax- limit negative gearing to small investors
• never again build a metro freeway without a rail line down the middle.
• population increases housing demand. It should be considered as a factor
• government departments to encourage working from home, with a greater focus on this benefit for those working from non metro areas
An objection to MMT and sovereign currency ideas has been raised several times here over the months, to the effect that these concepts are high risk, having never been adopted by any major economy.
It is implied by this objection that the current global financial system, comprised as it is of a collection of national systems with some extra provisions tacked on to allow for international trade and investment, has perhaps a track record of stability, or reliability, or perhaps the advantage of being “the devil we know”.
The positives of the status quo are never actually defined, but one thing we do know is that stability and reliability do not figure among its advantages.
The objection that alternatives to the status quo are high risk has an element of comedy about it when we actually look into the “devil we thought we knew” and discover that the concept at the centre of the discussion — money itself — is largely fictitious.
Fictitious as in — does not exist.
From a very useful Melbourne Uni article here– https://pursuit.unimelb.edu.au/articles/seven-common-myths-about-modern-money
‘Fiat money’ means money that is created and given value through the decisions of government. Official bank notes and coins are highly visible examples of fiat money.
Today, in modern capitalist economies, the most dominant form of money by far is not fiat money. Instead, commercial banks create the vast majority of money, and they do so without the day-to-day involvement of governments. Physical currencies like coins and notes are playing a small and shrinking role in the money supply. The creation of commercial bank money is surprisingly simple and quite counter-intuitive. The overwhelming majority of money is created through private-sector bank lending. When a bank writes a loan, the borrowed amount and the obligation to pay the debt are created simultaneously…The borrower’s obligation is an asset for the bank; and the loan amount, deposited for the benefit of the borrower, is a corresponding liability for the bank.
In this way, bank money is created anew – in the form of ledger entries – with every loan a bank writes, not from or in relation to deposits or other existing money…In creating money through lending, banks don’t transform deposits into loans, and they do not intermediate between depositors and borrowers. The risks and complexities facing commercial banks are much smaller than is widely believed.
Contractual, ledger-based money – which, to reiterate, is by far the dominant form of money in modern finance and commerce – is not ‘collected’ through taxation at the national level.
Instead, bank money used to pay taxes is wiped or vaporised the moment taxes are paid. Then, at a later date, when the national government needs to spend, new ledger-based bank money is spent into existence via the banking system.
There is no structural requirement for the amount of bank ledger money ‘collected’ (i.e. destroyed) through taxation and government borrowing to equal or exceed the amount of bank ledger money created through national government spending.
So to summarise, the dominant form of modern money is not directly controlled by governments. It does not circulate throughout the economy in a durable form.
Banks do not gather it up as the basis for loans, and governments do not gather it up as the basis for public spending.
The dominant form of money is not tradeable, nor can it be held outside the relevant country’s banking system…
To add a little more perspective, this from wiki — In the United Kingdom, gross bank deposits outweigh the physical currency issued by the central bank by a factor of more than 30 to 1. The United States, with a currency used substantially in legal and illicit international transactions, has a lower ratio of 8 to 1.
So which option presents the greater risk? The bankster option where deposits can be vaporised by a computer key, or a sovereign currency in which the purpose of money is societal enhancement?
I am going to pull the author up on the use and abuse of statistics.
You are comparing the Median price of houses with the average income, which is 2 different measures.
@A Commentator.
I will address some of your comments,
Lets start with labour shortages: Easily solved. Make apprenticeships a mandatory requirement for all builders getting government contracts. Every trade on a site must have at least 1 apprentice and up to the max possible following apprenticeship and Tafe guidelines. No apprentices, no contract. In 4 years there will be plenty of labour available.
First Home buyers. Get no say in what they can have. I went looking for land in a suburb in between some regional cities. 250m2 block the same price as a 500m2 block in the city. With no services, no transport, no nearby shops. First home buyers can only afford 1% of the homes on the market. They are always outbid by investors who will get tax concessions on the price and rental income to offset part of the mortgage, usually interest only. No first home buyer can compete. full stop.
Currently, building a 200m2 2 story house on a tiny block costs a bit less than a single story house of the same size. But not everyone can cope with 2 stories. Families with little kids, the elderly and frail and those with disabilities frequently need a home, flat on the ground, single story, with fittings that are appropriate for their ability. There is no mandatory accessibility standard in homes which means as people get older, or their needs change, there is not enough housing stock suitable for them.
For this there should be a mandatory 10% of all houses to be build to a disability standard or impaired mobility standard. Every 2 story house must be constructed in such a way as to allow for fitting of a lift system. All 3 story and above must include lifts.
Without this we risk having lots of new houses but none that impaired people can use.
There should be Zero tax concessions of any type for existing houses or brown-fields developments. There should be only concessions for new stock in greenfields development. And the concessions should taper over a 5 year period down to Zero and any house, once resold, is ineligible for any tax concession.