Party disunity is death

By Callen Sorensen Karklis  

As I pen this, I’m marking my final article for The AIMN. The next few years will see me stepping away from writing to focus on supporting progressive causes and charting my own path in electoral politics, targeting local and state levels by 2028. My plan is to run as an Independent progressive, offering my energy wherever it’s needed, provided the candidates aren’t tied to the Liberal-National coalition. This shift feels right – a chance to shape change on my terms.

You can still catch me occasionally co-hosting on 4ZZZ’s Workers Power on Brisbane’s airwaves, where I’ll keep sharing my voice. First, I owe a heartfelt thanks to Michael Taylor for the platform he’s given me at The AIMN these past few years. His support has shaped my journey as a writer, and I’m grateful. To any young person eager to dive in – or a disillusioned activist like me – I offer this farewell as a guide, distilled from my rocky baptism into party politics.

My political awakening hit in 2011, at 18, fresh out of high school, brimming with naivety and idealism. Inspired by Kevin Rudd’s 2008 apology to the Stolen Generations and Barack Obama’s historic presidency, I threw myself into activism. I supported Jo Briskey, who now holds Bill Shorten’s former federal seat of Maribyrnong after the 2025 election. Back then, I helped her campaign for the Queensland state seat of Cleveland (now Oodgeroo) in the 2012 state election and the federal seat of Bonner in 2016. Oodgeroo, a safe LNP stronghold for 16 years, was once an ALP bastion for 17 years, represented by Jo’s father, Darryl Briskey (1989–2006), a former schoolteacher who served as Parliamentary Secretary for Education (2000–2001), Multicultural Affairs and Trade (2001–2004), and Assistant Treasurer (1998–2000) under the Beattie Labor government. His successor, Phil Weightman (2006–2009), a former campaign manager and police officer, continued that legacy until the LNP tide turned.

My political education deepened through the guidance of Darryl Briskey, Phil Weightman, and a remarkable network of Labor stalwarts at 5:43 PM AEST on May 28, 2025. Working alongside them, I absorbed lessons that shaped my progressive ideals. Darryl, a former schoolteacher and Queensland Labor heavyweight, and Phil, his successor and ex-police officer, opened doors to their branch members, each a mentor in their own right. Ava Jones, a former ACTU staffer under Bob Hawke and secretary of the Cleveland State Electoral Council (SEC) and Bowman Federal Electoral Council (FEC), taught me the grit of union politics. Gordon O’Neil, a former Queensland rail unionist and Cleveland branch chair, and his wife Shirley O’Neil, once Cleveland SEC auditor and branch treasurer, showed me the backbone of grassroots organising. Jo Ann Bain, a former Bowman FEC secretary, and Howard Guille, ex-National Tertiary Education Union secretary and North Stradbroke Island branch president, inspired with their dedication.

I also crossed paths with local legends like Cr Frank Bradley and former Capalaba MP Michael Choi, whose assistant Emma Parnell – once a staffer to Queensland Premier Anna Bligh – shared insider wisdom. Don Brown, Choi’s successor, and his assistant Reece Pianta, husband to Labor minister Nikki Boyd, offered practical insights. Cr Toni Bowler, former Redlands Deputy Mayor, and Cr Craig Ogilvie, ex-division 2 councillor and finance chair, grounded me in community leadership. Darryl’s close friend, former Attorney General and Environment Minister Rod Welford, and even Kevin Rudd – whom I volunteered for at his Griffith Morningside office – left lasting impressions. Kevin Conway, former Queensland Fabians secretary, Billy Colless, ex-national Fabians chair, and former Senator Claire Moore enriched my understanding of policy. Cr Peter Cumming, ex-Brisbane Labor leader and Wynnum Manly councillor, and his assistant Kerry Hacket, a former aide to Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek, rounded out this political tapestry.

Beyond Labor, environmentalists like Peter Casey (Labor LEAN secretary), Debra Henry (ex-Redlands City Councillor), and Cr Wendy Boglary (Redlands 2030) taught me the power of green activism, alongside RAFFWU unionist Bill Storey Smith. Each shaped my journey, preparing me for 2028.

During my time in the Labour movement – particularly within the Australian Labor Party (ALP) – I balanced union roles with retail jobs at Coles and IGA. Between 2011 and 2016, I worked with several unions, including the United Voice (now the United Workers Union – UWU), the Rail, Tram, and Bus Union (RTBU), and the Queensland Council of Unions.

My involvement spanned significant political shifts: the fall of the Bligh Labor government, the Newman LNP government era (2012–2015), and the rise of the Palaszczuk Labor government in 2015. As I progressed through the party ranks, I held branch executive positions, working closely with grassroots members.

However, Labor’s return to power came with challenges. The party’s support for developing Ramsar-listed wetlands—expanding a high-rise project from 800 to 3,600 units – and its continued backing of the Adani coal mine created deep divisions within the Labour movement. This rift spread across branches in South East Queensland (SEQ), Brisbane’s bayside, and the Redlands.

The Toondah Harbour PDA controversy (2015–2024) further eroded support, costing Labor and the environmental movement electorally. Key areas like Oodgeroo saw declining backing, weakening Labor’s hold on Redlands and Capalaba – the latter once part of Manly, a safe Labor seat for 35 years.

Even in 2020, when the ALP gained ground statewide amid the COVID-19 pandemic, it failed to secure Oodgeroo, despite a strong challenge from TEAL independent Claire Richardson. Internal divisions also impacted Richardson’s narrowly lost 2020 Redlands mayoral race, where she secured 49% against the LNP’s 51%. A rogue Labor candidate, David Curtin, diverted 14.4% of preferences, further fracturing the vote.

I left the ALP to run for the Greens, driven by my passion for the Save Toondah campaign. Do I have regrets? Certainly. But at the time, it was the right decision for me and my Quandamooka people – a choice to stand firmly for their interests.

The Greens have principled members who’ve consistently held Labor to account, but others struggle to see the bigger picture. This fragmentation lets the LNP exploit divisions, doing whatever it takes to cling to power. The Greens’ 2025 losses offer a chance to regroup and learn. They still wield influence with 11 Senate seats and Liz Watson Brown’s lower-house hold in Ryan.

History warns us of the cost of infighting. The Democrats – once the standard-bearers of third-way environmental politics – collapsed during the Howard era (2000–2005) over bitter GST disputes, vanishing into irrelevance. Similarly, the Australian Communist Party’s internal strife during the Cold War limited its success, despite fleeting victories like Fred Paterson’s state win in Bowen (1944–1950) and local gains in Townsville (1939–1944).

I urge the Greens and Labor to choose their battles wisely. Collaborating with TEAL independents could unlock lasting reforms while they still hold power. Time is finite, and progress demands

Though Labor lost two Redlands seats to the LNP in 2024, the LNP’s local incumbency crumbled after a drink-driving scandal ousted their mayor. A coalition of Labor, Greens, TEAL activists, and disillusioned LNP supporters rallied behind police prosecutor and artist Jos Mitchell, securing her a landslide victory with 67% of the vote. Yet the LNP retained council control by narrowly holding two seats – a loss compounded by their failure to unite, splitting votes between two candidates, including the controversial Andrew Laming.

My time with the Australian Unemployed Workers Union (AUWU) taught me a hard truth: fractured movements achieve limited results. Despite the AUWU’s impactful pandemic campaigns for fairer welfare, it struggled to sustain momentum beyond 2020–2021. Electoral politics is no different – unity isn’t just ideal; it’s imperative.

To the Coalition reeling from one of its worst defeats in federation history: when a major party fractures publicly, it condemns itself to a long stretch in opposition. This isn’t just theory – it’s Australian political law. Susan Ley, David Littleproud, and their successors could easily languish in the wilderness until 2031.

We’ve seen this before. In 1987, Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen’s rogue “Joh for PM” campaign split the Queensland Nationals, torpedoing John Howard’s federal chances and prefacing the Fitzgerald Inquiry’s corruption revelations. The result? Thirteen years of federal Labor rule under Hawke and Keating (1983–1996) and 30 years of state Labor dominance in Queensland (1989–2024) – bar two brief conservative interruptions (Borbidge 1996–98, Newman 2012–15).

The Coalition isn’t alone in this curse. Modern Labor’s Rudd-Gillard spills gifted us the Abbott-Turnbull-Morrison era (2013–2022). But go further back:

1955: The Great Split over BA Santamaria’s Catholic faction saw “Pig Iron” Bob Menzies rule for 23 years.

1930s: Scullin’s government imploded during the Depression, torn between austerity and Keynesian stimulus – NSW Premier Jack Lang and Joseph Lyons defected, leaving Labor in the wilderness until Curtin’s 1941 wartime resurgence.

1916: Billy Hughes’ conscription betrayal blew up Labor, handing conservatives 13 years of power.

The Lesson? DISUNITY IS DEATH.

I’ve lived this. Whether federal, state, or local, history never spares divided parties. The Coalition’s 2025 collapse is just the latest chapter. Adapt or vanish – the choice is stark.

 

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