What Australians were told was “normal”, what we experienced instead – and why the old model no longer works
For a long time, the Overton Window was a useful way to describe Australian politics.
It assumed there was a bounded range of ideas that were “acceptable” to discuss publicly; push too far outside it and you were dismissed as extreme, unrealistic, or unserious. Slide the window gradually and yesterday’s radical ideas became today’s common sense.
In a stable, low-noise political environment, this model worked remarkably well.
But Australia no longer lives in that environment – and the Overton Window now explains less than it obscures.
What has replaced it isn’t another window. It’s something messier, riskier, and far more honest: A Reality Dashboard.
What the Overton Window was good at explaining
From Menzies through to the early Howard years, Australian politics operated in a condition close to stasis:
- A small number of dominant media outlets
- Slow information cycles
- Broad institutional trust
A shared national narrative, even amid disagreement
In that world, politics really did feel like a window:
- Ideas moved slowly
- Extremes stayed marginal
- Governments rarely tested the edges of legitimacy
“Normal” governance was assumed to be conducted in good faith.
Menzies’ Australia wasn’t egalitarian or conflict-free – but it was predictable. The Overton window described a system where the centre held because most people were looking through roughly the same frame.
Howard: stretching the window without shattering it (at first)
John Howard was the first prime minister many Australians experienced as deliberately pushing the window. He:
- Reframed welfare as suspicion
- Normalised cultural grievance
- Shifted industrial relations sharply
- Redefined who deserved protection and who didn’t
Yet for much of his tenure, Australians still recognised the dashboard signals:
- Rising living standards
- Economic growth
- Functioning public services
Reality broadly matched the story – until it didn’t.
WorkChoices didn’t fail because it was “too radical” in theory. It failed because people felt it damage their security.
That was an early sign that lived experience could snap the window back into place — even when media and elites insisted otherwise.
Post-Howard Australia: when the window stopped matching reality
From the mid-2000s onward, Australians lived through a growing mismatch:
- Wage stagnation
- Housing unaffordability
- Privatised services failing publicly
- Hollowed public institutions
- Infrastructure blowouts
A widening gap between effort and reward
Yet the political narrative barely shifted. We were told:
- The economy was being “managed well”
- Markets were efficient
- Services were leaner
- Inequality was exaggerated
- If things felt worse, that was personal failure
This is where the Overton window stopped working – not because people became ideological radicals, but because their lived experience stopped lining up with what was being presented as normal.
The myth that finally collapsed: “better economic managers”
Nothing illustrates this failure better than the Coalition’s long-running claim to superior economic competence. It was repeated for decades. It was echoed uncritically by much of the media. It became muscle memory. But Australians experienced:
- Wage suppression
- Casualisation
- Robodebt
- Aged care collapse
- Pandemic mismanagement
- Infrastructure cost blowouts
- Repeated governance failure wrapped in confidence
At some point, repetition stopped working. Not because Australians suddenly studied macroeconomics – but because their dashboards stopped agreeing with the slogans.
You can distort the narrative. You can’t indefinitely override lived outcomes.
Why the Overton Window stopped working
The Overton window assumes:
- A shared frame of reference
- Trusted intermediaries
- Limited comparison
- Slow feedback
Modern Australia has none of those. Instead, Australians now process politics across multiple screens:
- Headlines
- Independent journalism
- Social media
- Parliamentary footage
- Power bills
- Hospital wait times
- Rent increases
- Climate disasters
- Personal finances
Each is a gauge. Some are noisy. Some are distorted. Some are deliberately misleading. But over time, people learn which gauges remain aligned with reality – and which ones consistently fail.
This is not ideology. It’s calibration.
The Reality Dashboard
The Reality Dashboard replaces the window because it describes how people now actually assess political claims. Like any dashboard:
- It can be hacked
- Sensors can fail
- Displays can be manipulated
- Users can misread it
But crucially: You can distort the dashboard – you can’t fake the road.
Old propaganda tried to move the window. New propaganda tries to redesign the instruments.
The risk: dashboards don’t guarantee truth
This is where optimism must stop. The Reality Dashboard does not automatically correct toward truth. It can:
- Produce locally coherent but globally false realities
- Trap people in well-calibrated misinformation bubbles
- Delay correction long enough to cause real damage
We’ve already seen this:
- COVID misinformation
- Climate denial ecosystems
- Election fraud fantasies
- Culture-war identity silos
These weren’t random errors. They were high-fidelity distortions. Every gauge was wrong – but wrong in the same way.
AI and tech bros: hacking the instrument panel
AI doesn’t eliminate reality. It slows exposure. At scale, AI enables:
- Synthetic coherence
- Personalised distortion
- Emotional optimisation
- Reinforced belief ecosystems
- Delay of corrective feedback
The ideology behind much of this is familiar:
- Optimisation over legitimacy
- Disruption as virtue
- Control of interfaces mistaken for neutrality
- Democracy treated as a design problem
In dashboard terms: Tech elites don’t move the car.
They redesign the speedometer – then blame drivers for crashing.
AI doesn’t abolish consequences. It helps people argue with them longer.
How correction actually happens (when it does)
Dashboards don’t self-correct through debate. They correct through exhaustion. Correction occurs when:
- Predictions repeatedly fail
- Explanations grow convoluted
- Costs accumulate
- Reality refuses to cooperate
- Maintaining belief becomes cognitively expensive
Some dashboards never recalibrate. Some people never do. But large-scale systems still impose limits. The Reality Dashboard doesn’t save us from error — it makes error harder to sustain indefinitely.
That’s not optimism.
That’s constraint.
What this means for Australian politics
Australians are not drifting left or right in the old sense. They are drifting toward coherence. The political centre is no longer defined by:
- What elites permit
- What media repeats
- What parties insist is normal
It’s defined by:
- What keeps matching lived reality
- What survives exposure
- What doesn’t fall apart under stress
That’s why:
- Culture wars burn out faster
- Economic myths collapse
- Minority-government fear fades
- Competence matters again
A fair but earned conclusion
The Overton window worked when Australia was stable enough to pretend one frame explained everything. Then Australians got:
- The internet
- Real-time crises
- Multiple reference points
- A front-row seat to political failure
Now we don’t politely peer through one window.
We scan a Reality Dashboard… Ignore the gauges that keep lying… And recalibrate, unevenly, imperfectly, but for real.
You can hack the dashboard. You can delay the reckoning. You can flood the screens. But eventually, the road asserts itself.
And once that happens, no amount of messaging slides the window back.
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OK …. So the 2025 overwhelming ALBANESE LABOR election win occurred because the Australian voters in enough electorates finally woke up to the fact that the COALition could NOT manage a chook raffle in the pub because they were too busy developing their own pecuniary interests while spewing the economic untruths with the willing support of the Mainstream Media Manipulation Monopoly.
Now with eyes wide open many voters are observing that the ALBANESE LABOR GOVERNMENT are far superior managers of the national financial affairs to the COALition misfit misgovernment.
But they also see that ALBANESE LABOR GOVERNMENT is unwilling to implement the many necessary financial and social reforms needed by the voters who elected them to office.
Think residential real estate investment reforms, NACC having effective teeth and prosecution of the Robodebt perpetrators who were responsible for the suicide of about 2,200+ voters wrongly accused of rorting Centrelink payments while unemployed.
Well said New England Cocky.Plus don’t forget the tax forts by foreign owned multinationals, the gas heist all while now claiming insufficient funds. On and on it goes yet we don’t seem to yell loud enough to get any changes. We are indeed divided.
Great summary Lachlan and I will repost this link for those who are curious enough, along the same lines as your article and how it was achieved….
Been listening and reading this guy for the past 20 years….
https://planetwavesfm.substack.com/p/so-much-trouble-in-the-world-whats?
Succinct. Bullet points work well for those with limited attention spans, more used to headlines and sound bites than in-depth analysis. A great summary… thanks Lachlan 😊
Thanks NE C, and I think you’ve nailed the core of it. Voters didn’t suddenly become ideological — they became experienced. Once lived outcomes stop matching the slogans, the old myths lose their grip.
I agree Labor are clearly more competent managers, but the frustration around stalled reforms (housing, NACC teeth, Robodebt accountability) is real and justified. Competence buys trust; reform is what sustains it.
Thanks Cheryl — exactly. The contradiction between “there’s no money” and decades of tax avoidance, gas giveaways and regulatory capture is now impossible to ignore.
I don’t think the problem is that people don’t care — it’s that the old framing kept these issues siloed. Once people start connecting the dots, the noise gets harder to sustain.
Thanks Heather — much appreciated. I’ve had a look and there are definitely resonances there, especially around systems strain and the gap between narrative and lived reality.
My focus here was on how people now process political claims — less through a single frame and more by cross-checking experience, outcomes and multiple sources. Different angle, but I think they’re pointing at the same underlying shift.
Thanks Kim — much appreciated. I agree bullet points help cut through, but I also think people are hungry for deeper explanations of why things feel different now.
My aim was to give a framework people can use to make sense of it, not just describe the symptoms.
Lachlan; Love your work – another excellent essay that deserves widespread sharing.
May I offer another link, (that came surprisingly from the ABC News stream today – gosh, what a turn around in editorial discretion!), that adds to the origins of political redevelopment in Australia since the 1970s. Being a curious octogenarian I have often wondered how all this came about however, pre-internet days it was impossible for the average jack to research the few clues that were then available.
https://www.abc.net.au/news/2026-01-26/atlas-network-mont-pelerin-society-neoliberal-think-tanks/105700628?utm_source=sfmc&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=abc_newsmail_am-pm_sfmc&utm_term=&utm_id=2691869&sfmc_id=403901166
Much food for thought, thank you Lachlan McKenzie.
‘You can hack the dashboard. You can delay the reckoning. You can flood the screens. But eventually, the road asserts itself./And once that happens, no amount of messaging slides the window back.’
I’m thinking the road certainly asserted itself for Renee Good and Alex Pretti in downtown Minneapolis – a final, fatal reality check.
So from the Overton Window to a quote from Martin Belam’s Guardian UK editorial this morning (citing Garrett Graff; https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jan/26/monday-briefing-what-we-know-about-the-death-of-alex-pretti):
‘What is clear is that once again, Americans are being asked to choose between what they are told by Trump’s Maga Republicans – and what they can see with their own eyes.’
What is also clear is that the political range of policy acceptability (as modelled by the OW) matters not to fascists.
One can’t help wondering whether the ‘Overton window’ has been co-opted in the strategic normalisation of reactionary policies to preserve and institutionalise shadowy interests…