Paul Keating’s words ring true

As I’ve grown older, I’ve seen that in tough times, the United States often puts its own interests before its promises to allies or countries with shared goals. For instance, the Nixon Doctrine of 1971 (also known as the Guam Doctrine) suggested that the U.S. would reduce its military involvement in Asia, leaving allies to fend for themselves more. Similarly, the 2013 Syria “red line” incident highlighted a significant deviation when the U.S. decided against military intervention, despite previously asserting that chemical weapons use would provoke a response. In 2016, former Prime Minister Paul Keating told Lee Sales that after Donald Trump’s election, Australia should “cut the tag” from American foreign policy and focus more on building ties within Asia.

I remember a particular day in my childhood when I sat in my classroom, gazing at a poster of Superman next to a map of the world. Our teacher spoke of the United States as a beacon of hope, a nation that would stand up and help when others were in need, embodying the ideals of justice and freedom. As I grew older, my once clear-cut view was challenged by global events. Reality hit as I realised that America’s priorities shifted with its interests, and my hero, once steadfast in my young eyes, began to seem fallible.

Recently, two former Foreign Ministers, Bob Carr and Gareth Evans, have expressed views similar to those of Paul Keating. Both have distinguished themselves in international affairs. Carr suggested that:

“Our US ally is fiercely unpredictable and dedicated ruthlessly to American national interests, without any pretence of being committed to universal values or a global, rules-based order.”

“This is a big challenge for Australia and its security leaders. Our government needs to make it clear to Trump that Australians do not support his self-focused politics.”

Prime Minister Albanese should make this clear and stand firm.

Trump’s administration now poses a real threat to Australia’s interests and the safety of its people. He could use tariffs to pressure other countries and shows little ethical restraint. For instance, economic analysts suggest that U.S. tariffs could reduce Australia’s GDP, posing significant risks to sectors such as agriculture and manufacturing. This quantifiable threat underscores the need to solidify Australia’s international alliances, rather than relying solely on the U.S.

Trump’s administration once claimed that the United States sought to acquire Greenland, an approach marked by aggressive language and a lack of diplomacy. This startling ambition underscored the need for allies to support each other rather than resort to tactics reminiscent of territorial ambitions.

Greenland has made it clear that it would rather remain part of the Kingdom of Denmark than join the United States. That is their democratic right.

Australia should reconsider its role as the United States’ deputy sheriff. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese could use the nearly four hundred billion dollars set aside for old submarines to build drone defenses, address climate change, and help solve the housing crisis by creating hundreds of thousands of homes. To effectively transition this budget into actionable governance, a dedicated budget reallocation committee should be established to oversee the strategic deployment of funds. Inter-state accords can be formed to ensure cooperation and optimise resource distribution across regions. Such steps would provide a structured approach to transforming these alternative spending ideas into tangible outcomes, thereby enhancing Australia’s national resilience and improving the quality of life for its citizens.

Gareth Evans says America’s recent actions “put beyond doubt that America has zero respect for international law, morality, and the interests of its allies and partners.”

The crazy irony of the whole project (AUKUS) has always been that it commits Australia to spending eye-watering amounts to build a capability supposed to defend us from military threats which are in fact most likely to arise simply because we have that capability and are using it to support the US in some conflict not in our interests to engage, without any guarantee of support in return should we ever need it. In democracies like Australia, this considerable expenditure necessitates rigorous oversight to ensure accountability. Establishing strong parliamentary scrutiny and oversight committees could be an effective way to prevent strategic overreach and ensure that such commitments align with national interests. This level of democratic oversight could safeguard against unnecessary or misguided defense spending, illustrating how systems of accountability can help navigate complex international alliances.

Trump’s recent actions and words show he is now in a very dark and dangerous mindset, where anything could happen, even a third world war. Why aren’t we saying this openly?

He now thinks he can do whatever he wants. Reports have surfaced alleging that he ordered the kidnapping of Venezuela, intending for American companies to take over the country’s substantial oil reserves.

A letter from Trump to the prime minister of Norway, Jonas Gahr Støre, has emerged, to complain that he has not received a Nobel Peace Prize.

“Dear Jonas:

Considering your Country decided not to give me the Nobel Peace Prize for having stopped 8 Wars, I no longer feel an obligation to think purely of Peace. However, it will always remain predominant; we can now think about what is good and proper for the United States of America.”

Call it the acquisition of power through force or even gangsterism. Either way, it’s no surprise that the world is horrified.

The world should come together against growing threats and make our position clear.

German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier recently expressed deep concern, describing the United States under Trump as “destroying the world order and turning it into a ‘den of robbers’.” He highlighted the breakdown of values by the U.S., which had previously helped build this world order, particularly referencing incidents like the illegal kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. “We have now moved beyond the stage where we can lament the lack of respect for international law or the erosion of the international order,” Steinmeier continued, emphasising how both disrespect and erosion are well advanced.

“In my opinion, we have now moved beyond the stage where we can lament the lack of respect for international law or the erosion of the international order. We are far beyond that, I believe,” he continued. “Both disrespect and erosion are well advanced. I believe that, and I want to emphasise it a little.”

Did I hear that right – seizing an ally by force?

“It is about preventing the world from turning into a den of robbers, where the most unscrupulous take whatever they want, where regions or entire countries are treated as the property of a few great powers,” he continued. “Where even medium-sized states, such as ours, are being pushed to the margins of history, and where smaller and weaker states are left completely unprotected.”

The United States conquers an independent government, kidnaps its President Nicolás Maduro, takes its most valuable asset, and sends the first large payout to an offshore account in a friendly petro-monarchy. Trump’s own team boasts that they, not Venezuelans, will decide if and when any of it returns.

Meanwhile, in Iran, 2000 people die protesting their opposition to the current leadership. A little-reported anger in the community is an acute six-year drought that is leaving Iran’s cities ity. Trump repeats his mantra that ‘Help is on its way,’ but there is no substance to it.

Conclusion

Manipulation, lies, propaganda, corruption, and the use of hidden persuaders are now the norm in today’s politics. Trump is undoubtedly the master of all these tactics that persuade people to believe whatever he says and does, even though the truth stares them in the face. For instance, his persistent assertion during the 2020 election that he won ‘by a landslide’ has been debunked thoroughly by multiple recounts and court rulings. Additionally, his administration’s repeated claims about the extent of the United States’ COVID-19 testing capabilities misrepresented the actual measures in place, providing the public with a false sense of security.

However, it’s essential to recognise the role of U.S. institutions in counteracting these narratives. The courts repeatedly rejected Trump’s unfounded claims of election fraud, highlighting the judiciary’s pivotal role in safeguarding democratic processes. Moreover, the bipartisan checks in Congress that scrutinised and challenged several of Trump’s policy decisions underscored the resilience of democratic institutions against authoritarian drift. Presenting this tension between propaganda and institutional resilience offers a more nuanced understanding of the current political climate.

But the truth is that America can now admit that the world’s most powerful democracy is letting a lawless president operate like a dictator on the global stage.

There’s coming to be no difference between Trump’s foreign and domestic policies.

This following list comes from an opinion column by Robert Reich, former U.S. Secretary of Labor, titled “Trump’s War Footing,” published in January 2026. Reich argues that Donald Trump’s domestic and foreign policies are merging into a singular “war footing” based on eight ideas:

1. Might makes right.
2. Law is irrelevant.
3. America is at war with the world’s “radical left,” which is defined chiefly by its opposition to Trump.
4. Fear and force are better weapons in this war than hope and compromise.
5. The U.S. stock market is the best measure of Trump’s success.
6. Personal enrichment by Trump and other officials is justified in the pursuit of victory.
7. So are lies, cover-ups, and the illegal use of force.
8. Trump is invincible and omnipotent.

These ideas are fundamentally at odds with today’s norms. Most of us know and share what Trump’s America is all about and how a president should think and behave. It is impossible to accept that Trump believes them or that his White House thugs eagerly endorse them. But he does, and they do.

Rather than some “doctrine” or set of principles, they’re more like guttural discharges. Trump is not rational, and the people around him trying to give him a patina of rationality – his White House assistants and spokespeople – surely know it.

And let me tell you that it is now one month since Congress demanded this deadline mandated by Congress’s “The Epstein Files Transparency Act;”; however, the department has not complied with this law, prompting questions about when – and whether – authorities will ever release investigative documents about the late sex offender.

My thoughts for today

American exceptionalism is a concept that should not be included in the same sentence as making America great again. It is a term that once occupied every other conversational sentence but has been redefined by men like Trump and a political party like the GOP. To say that America was once the most exceptional country in the world was never a truism.

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