Rupert Murdoch: the mogul who made Trump – and might help to unmake him

By Peter Brown  

For much of the 21st century – and earlier – Rupert Murdoch has been one of the most powerful and controversial figures in global media. His empire – spanning tabloids, cable news, and broadsheet newspapers – has been credited with shaping elections, influencing public opinion, and enabling the rise of populist leaders across the English-speaking world. In the United States, few figures have done more to elevate Donald Trump than Murdoch, whose Fox News platform became a megaphone for Trump’s grievances, conspiracies, and political branding.

But now, in a twist that almost defies belief, Murdoch may be turning on the man he helped create.

The latest rupture began with a curious scoop from The Wall Street Journal, a Murdoch-owned paper often seen as the more respectable cousin to Fox News. Earlier this month, the Journal published an alleged 2003 letter from Trump to Jeffrey Epstein – the disgraced financier and convicted sex offender whose connections to powerful men have long raised serious questions. The letter, part of newly surfaced court records, showed Trump writing to Epstein in glowing, casual terms.

Trump responded with fury, denouncing the letter as a fake and threatening to sue both The Wall Street Journal and Murdoch himself. “This is defamation,” Trump fumed on Truth Social, while his legal team began preparing action against the Journal, even as Murdoch’s editors refused to retract the report.

The president’s rage was familiar. But the target – Murdoch – was unexpected.

Trump and Murdoch have had a relationship defined by mutual convenience rather than trust or affection. Murdoch reportedly once called Trump “a f—ing idiot,” but that didn’t stop him from giving Trump blanket coverage during the last three presidential campaigns, turning Fox News into a propaganda outlet that some former employees say bore more resemblance to state TV than journalism.

For Trump, Murdoch’s network was essential. Fox News turned his talking points into national debates, gave him prime-time defenders, and vilified his enemies on a nightly basis. The MAGA base often learned what to think not from Trump himself, but from Murdoch’s media ecosystem.

But as Trump’s scandals mounted – two impeachments, multiple indictments, the January 6 insurrection, and now, resurfacing links to Epstein – the Murdoch empire has begun to wobble in its support. Fox News has at times tried to elevate other GOP candidates. The New York Post, another Murdoch outlet, has mocked Trump with pun-filled headlines. And the Wall Street Journal has published editorials sharply critical of his leadership and judgment.

What was once a marriage of convenience now looks more like a looming divorce.

If Rupert Murdoch ends up being one of the forces that helps expose or constrain Donald Trump, it would be one of the great ironies of modern politics.

This is the man whose networks downplayed the severity of COVID-19, gave air time to election deniers, and helped fuel the very conspiratorial mindset that still grips a large portion of the Republican Party. He enabled Trump’s rise not just by covering him favorably, but by shaping an entire ecosystem of outrage-driven news where facts became optional and loyalty to Trump became paramount.

And yet, Murdoch is also a businessman – pragmatic, calculating, and deeply aware of reputation and legacy. He knows Trump is damaged goods. He knows that advertisers and investors are growing wary of right-wing extremism. He knows that lawsuits from Dominion Voting Systems and Smartmatic have cost his companies hundreds of millions in defamation settlements. And he may now believe that continued support for Trump is not just ethically dubious – it’s financially risky.

So if Murdoch has decided that Trump’s time is up, it could signal a broader shift.

The media empire he built has been a breeding ground for division, misinformation, and political radicalism. His tabloids have destroyed reputations and amplified racism, sexism, and xenophobia. His cable channels have elevated demagogues and turned serious political discourse into gladiatorial spectacle.

But in this moment – this very narrow, politically charged moment – Murdoch may serve as an unexpected check on Trump’s ability to rewrite reality.

The Wall Street Journal’s willingness to publish unflattering information about Trump’s past speaks to a changing dynamic. The idea that Murdoch’s empire would stand by its reporting – rather than immediately capitulate to Trump’s pressure – suggests that even inside conservative media, there are limits to how far they’re willing to follow Trump into the abyss.

The legal action against Murdoch could backfire spectacularly. Any court proceeding will invite discovery, depositions, and subpoenas – exposing information Trump would much rather keep hidden. The irony is sharp: Trump, who has long relied on Murdoch’s media empire for political cover, may now end up unearthing his own damaging secrets in a courtroom battle with one of the few media moguls powerful enough to push back.

Still, no one should assume Murdoch is suddenly a born-again lefty or a convert to accountability journalism. The media tycoon is as shrewd as ever, and any pivot away from Trump is likely rooted in self-interest more than moral awakening. If Trump falters and a new right-wing standard-bearer emerges, Murdoch’s media machine will pivot again – swiftly and ruthlessly.

Yet in a time when truth is routinely sacrificed on the altar of partisanship, even small acts of editorial courage matter. And if Rupert Murdoch has finally decided that Trump is more liability than asset, the ripple effects could be profound.

In a story full of villains, the least expected character may now be slowing the train – if only to protect his own tracks. Yet if he brings down Trump, I’m not hesitant to suggest that even the millions who despise him, will elevate him to hero status… even if it lasts for just half a day.

 

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